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Conspiracy theory

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For the fictional film, see Conspiracy Theory (movie).
This proposed logo for a U.S. government agency was dropped due to fears that its Masonic symbolism would provoke conspiracy theories.

A conspiracy theory is a theory that claims an event or series of events is the result of secret manipulations by two or more individuals or an organization, rather than the result of a single perpetrator or natural occurrence, or that there is a conspiracy to cover up the true story by the government or media.

Conspiracy theories often defy an official or dominant understanding of events. Even though some conspiracies are proven to exist, many more, even though they come to be widely accepted, are often propounded by advocates who substitute zeal for logic. While conspiracy theories vary widely in their plausibility, common standards of assessment can be applied to all:

  • Occam's razor - is the alternative story more, or less, probable than the mainstream story?
  • Psychology - does the alternative story satisfy an identifiable psychological need for the believer?
  • Falsifiability - are the "proofs" offered for the alternative story constructed with scientifically sound methodology?
  • Whistleblowers - how many people–and what kind–have to be loyal conspirators?

Colloquially the term "conspiracy theory" is used to disparage any non-mainstream theory about current or historical events, often with the connotation that the theory is unfounded, outlandish, irrational or in some way unworthy of serious consideration. It is never used by a theory's proponents, only by its detractors.


Introduction

The term 'conspiracy theory' is typically used disparagingly to undermine confidence in an interpretation of facts that is counter to the one being promoted. A conspiracy theory can come into existence in order to explain how alleged conspirators are preventing knowledge of an earlier conspiracy becoming public. This is commonly referred to as a 'cover up'. For the purposes of this entry, both manifestations of conspiratorial behaviour/thought will be referred to as conspiracies since they only differ in intended outcome and not mode of execution.

Conspiracy theories often defy an official or dominant understanding of events. Sometimes, the proponents of a conspiracy theory are proven correct. Emile Zola's famous work on the Dreyfus Affair is perhaps the single most famous historical example of a conspiracy (to cover up a high level espionage blunder and a consequent wrongful imprisonment) being 'rumbled'.

There have been plenty of examples of private citizens successfully pursuing investigations with dramatic results (e.g., the Kirkstall Valley campaign) - merely that the subject has a low signal to noise ratio.

When conspiracy theories are propounded as official claims (i.e., originated from a Governmental authority, such as an intelligence agency) they are not often referred to as conspiracy theories. For example, the activites of the House UnAmerican Activities Committee are a good example of an official conspiracy theory that failed to stand up. It is seldom referred to as a conspiracy theory.

Another situation in which a conspiracy theory is not called a conspiracy theory is when the conspiracy theory is proven correct, underlining the use of the term in a solely disparaging sense.

In such cases, the theory becomes fact and is assimilated into orthodox accounts. A good example of the transition of a conspiracy theory into the realm of historical fact is the uncovering of the Watergate scandal, which was both a conspiracy to commit crimes and a cover-up, but which only existed as a series of initially hard-to-believe allegations in newspaper and television news reports for some time. However, in the case of Watergate, the burglars were caught in the act so it was known from the beginning that there was a conspiracy. It took time for the extent of the conspiracy to be known.

The term is sometimes used to refer to events with which no association to an actual "conspiracy" in the legal sense (two or more persons agreeing to commit an unlawful act and the commission of one overt act in furtherence of the agreement) is claimed. In this sense "conspiracy theory" is often presented by its detractors as simply an allegation of clandestine action, based on little or no solid evidence. Thus the expression "conspiracy theory" is often used by opponents of such theories as a term of derision for an allegation that they consider unproven, unlikely, or false.

Conspiracy theories in general allege that some particular event — such as an assassination, a revolution, or even the failure of a product — resulted not solely from the visible action of overt political or market forces, but rather from intentional covert action.

The word conspiracy comes from the Latin "conspirare" ("to breathe together"). In both Latin and French it is used for an agreement of persons to do anything good or bad. As related to the law, it is always taken to do evil.

In contemporary legal usage, it is an agreement by two or more persons to commit an unlawful act. Secrecy is common but not an "essential element" of the crime. Communication and understanding are essential elements of the "agreement." New parties can enter an ongoing conspiracy and may also be found guilty. A further element of the crime, in most jurisdictions is an 'overt act'. For example:

Bob and Bill decide to break all the windows on Main Street, an illegal act. In order to make their plot an actionable crime, another element is necessary, other than merely planning to break windows. If either of the conspirators acts in furtherance of their plot, at that point their conspiracy becomes a crime.
Bill gathers a sack full of rocks with which he intends to break the windows. At this point, regardless of whether windows are broken, both Bill and Bob could now be charged with the crime of conspiracy, if proof can be given that Bob conspired with Bill.

Conspiracy can increase the penalty for a given offense. Conspiring to commit a misdemeanor, for instance, can increase the act to a felony.

The actual existence of countless thousands of such conspiracies is well-known and includes organized crime and gangs as well as cartels in restraint of trade, organized political bribery, and so forth. At any given time, hundreds or thousands of conspiracies are afoot. Such conspiracies are crimes in most nations, and one can be prosecuted on the basis of conspiring to commit an illegal act or being part of a network that was engaged in doing so, or even, sometimes, for knowing about a conspiracy and failing to act to oppose it. (Note: The term "conspiracy theory" is thus sometimes also used to refer to sociological attempts to study the phenomenon of conspiracy.)

Historians generally use the term conspiracy to refer to a conspiracy that is considered (by the dominant authorities in the field) to be real, proven, or at least seriously plausible and with some element of support.

Conspiracy theory rationale and the status quo

There is a tendency to accept that conspiracy theories are (in the words of Christopher Hitchens) the 'exhaust fumes of democracy' - the unavoidable results of a large amount of information circulating among a large number of people, some of whom may have an explanation of events that differs from the official line.

Insofar as human behaviour is not monocausal and psychological events are not always rationally determinable, there is something to be said for this explanation. It is possible, for example, that explanation 'A' is put forward for one event, while explanation 'B' is at least partially true or even equally true, but not considered or admitted. It is the real, or alleged, "Explanation 'B'" that the conspiracy theorist is interested in.

For example, it is perfectly true to say that the public relations (PR) work of Edward Bernays was designed to increase sales for his clients (explanation 'A'). However, Bernays also admitted (in formal terms) that he saw his work as having a 'social control' aspect, which he gleaned from his uncle's famous work Civilization and its Discontents (explanation 'B'). Bernays saw PR as a necessary tool for manipulating public consciousness, but was careful to ensure that PR's use as a 'control mechanism' did not get discussed too widely.

This situation (official stories that sometimes break down or grow out of control) has been compounded by the rise of 'spin', which has increased widespread cynicism and suspicion about official explanations. Although not an entirely new phenomenon (cf propaganda), the use of the term - which has sporting connotations of a ball which comes at the batsman in an unexpected way - has itself arguably increased public dissatisfaction.

With the growth of the internet, there has been an increased tendency to express this dissatisfaction in public.

Private citizens are attempting (as they see it) to wrest control of history's narratives back from the major media. Some of these citizens are well-informed and sincere. Others are not so well informed and possibly not so sincere.

It is therefore interesting to examine the way in which the phrase 'conspiracy theorist' is applied to such citizens.

The term conspiracist, the phrase "conspiracy theorist", or the colloquial conspiracy nut can be used disparagingly to refer to a person who is likely to believe that an event can be explained by the workings of a secret conspiracy.

Such a conspiracy nut may promote or believe conspiracy theories about current or historical events that are unfounded, outlandish, or irrational or otherwise unworthy of serious consideration. One reason a person may promote or believe in such unpopular theories is that the person seeks to promote a particular political belief. For example, a neo-Nazi might seek to promote claims of Jewish involvement in 9/11 - but then again, someone who is not a neo-Nazi might promote such claims on the basis that they are sincerely believed.

Another reason is that the person lacks sufficient information, or has a tendency to distrust a person or group of people based on their performance. For example, some people continue to attribute the September 11, 2001 attacks to a conspiracy involving the U.S. government (or disfavored politicians) instead of to Islamic terrorists associated with Al-Qaeda. Please see 9/11 conspiracy theories.

On the other hand, sometimes criticism becomes a tactic to undermine dissent and defend the status quo. Ridicule, and even the diagnosis of schizophrenia has been used as a means of silencing political dissent, for example in the Soviet Union (see anti-psychiatry).

The waters are further muddied by the fact that powerful groups or individuals may have an interest in trying to discredit those who accuse them of real or imagined crimes. The label of "conspiracy theory" has been used to mock or denigrate social and political dissent, for instance when a powerful public figure is accused of corruption. Claims by leftists in the 1960s that they were under surveillance by government agents were dismissed as "conspiracy theory" until the FBI's COINTELPRO program was uncovered.

This debate (opposed and mutually-exclusive claims of "dishonest them versus truthful us") usually leads into a dead-end situation in which some skeptics will not listen to anything they identify as a 'conspiracy theory', and some of the least credible conspiracy theories find numerous supporters precisely because the theories are rubbished by authorities.

The situation is succinctly laid out in an essay by David Martin, called Techniques for Truth Suppression, which appeared in Apocalypse Culture II. It is a satirical guide for those who disbelieve in conspiracy theories, couched in terms of a briefing document and as such, leans heavily on the tradition of fantastical 'secret knowledge', such as the supposed Protocols of Zion or (at another remove) 'The Book' supposedly authored by Emmanuel Goldstein in Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four.

Although Martin is plainly on the side of the conspiracy theorist, some excerpts from his 14-point list are worth reading in a neutral sense.

It provides valuable insights into the way in which debate on conspiracy theories is often conducted. Martin's definitions often cut both ways: in particular, he uses the word 'skeptic' in an unexpected fashion which undermines the present use of the word -- to denote those who disbelieve some orthodox explanations.

  • 1) Dummy Up. If it's not reported, if it's not news, it didn't happen.
  • 3) Characterise the Charges as "Rumours" or, better yet, "Wild Rumours". If, in spite of the news blackout, the public is still able to learn about suspicious facts, it can only be through "Rumours". (If they tend to believe the "Rumours" it must be because they are simply "Paranoid" or "hysterical.")
  • 5) Call the "skeptics"* names like "conspiracy theorist", "nutcase", "ranter", "kook", crackpot, and, of course, "Rumour monger". Be sure, too, to use heavily-loaded verbs and adjectives when characterising their charges and defending the "more reasonable" government and its defenders. You must then carefully avoid reasoned debate with the people you have thus maligned.
  • 6) Impugn motives. Attempt to marginalise the critics by suggesting strongly that they are not really interested in the truth, but are simply pursuing a partisan political agenda or are out to make money (compared to over-compensated adherents to the government line who, presumably, are not).
  • 7) Invoke authority. Here the controlled press and the sham opposition can be very useful.
  • 10) Characterise the crimes as impossibly complex and the truth as ultimately unknowable.
  • 12) Require the skeptics to solve the crime completely.
  • 14) Scantily report incriminating facts, then make nothing of them. This is sometimes referred to as "bump and run" reporting.

Mark Fenster argues that "just because overarching conspiracy theories are wrong does not mean they are not on to something. Specifically, they ideologically address real structural inequities, and constitute a response to a withering civil society and the concentration of the ownership of the means of production, which together leave the political subject without the ability to be recognized or to signify in the public realm" (1999: 67). (See also Political frustration, below.)

Some scholars of conspiracism such as Robert Alan Goldberg point out that when governments refuse to disclose information in a timely and transparent manner, it fuels speculation about conspiracies.

Psychology of conspiracy theory

Humans naturally respond to events or situations which have had an emotional impact upon them by trying to make sense of those events, typically in values-laden spiritual, moral or political terms, though occasionally in scientific terms. Events which resist such interpretation—for example, because they are, in fact, senseless—can provoke the inquirer to have recourse to ever more extreme speculations, until one is reached that is capable of offering the inquirer the required emotional satisfaction. Once cognized, confirmation bias and avoidance of cognitive dissonance may reinforce the belief. In a context where conspiracy theory has become popular within a social group, communal reinforcement may equally play a part. As sociological historian Holger Herwig found in studying German explanations of World War I:

Those events that are most important are hardest to understand, because they attract the greatest attention from mythmakers and charlatans.

There is no reason, however, to assume that all people supporting a conspiracy theory - or even a number of such theories - necessarily do so because of such mechanisms.

Conspiracism

When conspiracy theories combine erroneous 'facts', observational fallacies and lack of evidence, critics refer to them as a form of Conspiracism, a worldview that sees major historic events and trends as primarily the result of secret conspiracies.[1]

According to many psychologists, a person who believes in one conspiracy theory is often a believer in other conspiracy theories as well. Belief in a conspiracy, or even conspiracies, is not necessarily a sign of psychological problems.

Some people distinguish between accusations of conspiracy and unfalsifiable conspiracy theories and argue that when conspiracy theories are proposed, the proponents bear the burden of proof. In justifying the classification of a conspiracy theory as conspiracism, detractors tend to level accusations that the theory is:

  1. Not backed up by sufficient evidence.
  2. Phrased in such a way as to be unfalsifiable.
  3. Improbably complex or lengthy. A rule of thumb called Occam's Razor is often cited. It states that the simpler a theory is, the more likely it is to be right.
  4. Self-fulfilling. If there is no evidence supporting a conspiracy, the conspiracy theorists often claim that the evidence has been destroyed - widening the conspiracy. If critics point out flaws in the reasoning of conspiracy theorists, conspiracy theorists may claim that the critics are part of the conspiracy, again widening the conspiracy.

Defenders point out in response that:

  1. Those powerful people involved in the conspiracy hide, destroy, or obfuscate evidence.
  2. Skeptics of conspiracy theories are not (in their opinion) prepared to keep an open mind.
  3. Skeptics may be politically motivated and have a vested interest in the status quo as a shill or agent..
  4. Skeptics may be victims of a human tendency to assume the safest and most secure of all possibilities.


Epistemic bias

It is also possible that certain basic human epistemic biases are projected onto the material under scrutiny. According to one study humans apply a 'rule of thumb' by which we expect a significant event to have a significant cause.[2] The study offered subjects four versions of events, in which a foreign president was (a) successfully assassinated, (b) unsuccessfully wounded, (c) wounded but died of a heart attack at a later date, and (d) was unharmed. Subjects were significantly more likely to suspect conspiracy in the case of the 'major events'—in which the president died—than in the other cases, despite all other facts available to them being equal.

Another epistemic 'rule of thumb' that can be misapplied to a mystery involving other humans is cui bono? (who stands to gain?). This sensitivity to the hidden motives of other people might be either an evolved or an encultured feature of human consciousness, but either way it appears to be universal. If the inquirer lacks access to the relevant facts of the case, or if there are structural interests rather than personal motives involved, this method of inquiry will tend to produce a falsely conspiratorial account of an impersonal event. The direct corollary of this epistemic bias in pre-scientific cultures is the tendency to imagine the world in terms of animism. Inanimate objects or substances of significance to humans are fetishised and supposed to harbor benign or malignant spirits.

Political frustration

Conspiratorial accounts can be emotionally satisfying when they place events in a readily-understandable, moral context. The subscriber to the theory is able to assign moral responsibility for an emotionally troubling event or situation to a clearly-conceived group of individuals. Crucially, that group does not include the believer. The believer is then excused any moral or political responsibility for remedying whatever institutional or societal flaw might be the true source of the dissonance. Where acting in such a responsible way is taboo or beyond the individual's resources, the conspiracy theory thus permits the emotional discharge or closure such emotional challenges (after Erving Goffman) demand of us all.

Like moral panics, conspiracy theories thus occur more frequently within communities which are experiencing social isolation or political disempowerment. For example, the modern form of anti-Semitism is identified in Britannica 1911 as a conspiracy theory serving the self-understanding of the European aristocracy, whose social power waned with the rise of bourgeois society.[3] The apparent growth in the popularity of conspiracy theories since the 1960s might be understood in this light. Any such growth might equally be understood as an expression of a tendency in news media and wider culture to understand events through the prism of individual agents, as opposed to more complex structural or institutional accounts.[4]

This is not to say that all conspiracy theories fulfil an emotional need. Some are based on objective analysis.

Clinical psychology

For relatively rare individuals, an obsessive compulsion to believe, prove or re-tell a conspiracy theory may indicate one or more of several well-understood psychological conditions, and other hypothetical ones: paranoia, denial, schizophrenia, Mean world syndrome[5]. On the other hand, there is ample evidence of governments using acusations of mental illness, and forced treatment and incarceration for 'conspiricy theorists' who do not support the official policy.

Conspiracy theory and urban legends

The overlap between conspiracy theory and urban legend is considerable: one need only consult American supermarket tabloids such as the Weekly World News to see prominent examples of both. Many urban legends, particularly those which touch on governments and businesses, have some but not all of the attributes of conspiracy theory.

For instance, during the 1980s the story that the Procter & Gamble company was affiliated with Satanism was a common urban legend in some circles. Is this tale, too, a conspiracy theory? It does allege secretive and presumably harmful action (support of Satanism) on the part of a group (Procter & Gamble, or its leadership). However, it does not have the expansiveness or attempt at explanation of historical events which earmark a conspiracy theory. It is too simple.

Karl Popper and Falsifiability

Karl Popper claimed that science is essentially defined as a set of falsifiable hypotheses; metaphysical or unscientific theories and claims are those which do not furnish any means for falsification. Critics of conspiracy theories sometimes argue that many of them are not falsifiable and so cannot be scientific. This accusation is often accurate, and is a necessary consequence of the logical structure of certain kinds of conspiracy theories. These take the form of uncircumscribed existential statements, alleging the existence of some action or object without specifying the place or time at which it can be observed. Failure to observe the phenomenon can then always be the result of looking in the wrong place or looking at the wrong time — that is, having been duped by the conspiracy. This makes impossible any demonstration that the conspiracy does not exist. Establishing a negative is philosophically problematic, perhaps especially so in this context. Falsificationists might also claim that this makes conspiracy theories unscientific.

For example, consider how one would prove the widely believed UFO conspiracy theory (in which aliens are said to have visited Earth), followed by the official denials (perhaps chiefly because the U.S. Government, or others, is hiding the evidence) that any such thing has happened. Since the theory does not specify when or where or how the visits or the conspiracy occurred, it is not possible to show it to be false. Even if, for example, we were given the run of the Pentagon (or some other government agency's) archives, the possibility always exists that there is an archive somewhere else detailing the conspiracy, to which we do not have access.

In his two volume work, The Open Society & Its Enemies, 1938–1943 Popper used the term "conspiracy theory" to criticize the ideologies driving fascism, Nazism and communism. Popper argued that totalitarianism was founded on "conspiracy theories" which drew on imaginary plots driven by paranoid scenarios predicated on tribalism, racism or classism. Popper did not argue against the existence of everyday conspiracies (as incorrectly suggested in some later literature). Popper even uses the term "conspiracy" to describe ordinary political activity in the classical Athens of Plato (who was the principal target of his attack in The Open Society & Its Enemies).

In response to this objection to conspiracy theory, some argue that no political or historical theory can be scientific by Popper's criterion because none reliably generates testable predictions. In fact, Popper himself rejected the claims of Marxism and psychoanalysis to scientific status on precisely this basis. (Many scientists today dispute the idea that Marxism is science at all; similarly, neurobiology and behaviorist psychology claim that classic forms of psychoanalysis have no scientific basis.) This does not necessarily mean that conspiracy theory, Marxism, and psychoanalysis are baseless, irrational, or false; it does mean that if they are false there is no way to show it. They do not make testable predictions, and so are not science by Popper's criterion. Such arguments have raised a debate on whether Popper's criterion should be applied in the social sciences as strictly as in natural sciences. Falsifiability has been widely criticised for misrepresenting the actual process of scientific discovery by a number of scholars, notably paradigm theorist and Popper's former students Thomas Kuhn, Paul Feyerabend, and Imre Lakatos. Within epistemological circles, falsifiability is not now considered a tenable criterion for determining scientific status, although it remains popular.

A similar objection raised by critics of falsifiablity is that mainstream news media reports are privileged in the public discourse as if they held the weight of scientific fact, though many such reports rely on the subjective authority of experts, anonymous sources and/or public relations statements. They maintain this is an elitist double standard that allows the major media to establish a dominant narrative on non-falsifiable grounds, while "conspiracy theorists" are condemned for similar practices.

Conspiracy theory in fiction

Main article: Conspiracy theories (fictional)

Conspiracies are a popular theme in several genres of fiction, notably thrillers and science fiction. Conspiracy theory recasts complex or meaningless historical events into relatively simple morality plays, in which bad people are the cause of bad events, and good people face the relatively simple task of identifying and defeating them. Compared to the subtlety and complexity of more rigorous sociological or historical accounts of events, conspiracy theory makes for a neat and intuitive narrative. It is perhaps no coincidence, then, that the English word "plot" applies to both a story, and the activities of conspirators.

Conspiracy Theory is a 1997 thriller about a taxi driver (played by Mel Gibson) who publishes a newsletter in which he discusses what he suspects are government conspiracies.

The Bible and conspiracy theories

Main article: Bible conspiracy theory

There are Christian conspiracy theorists who believe that the governments of the world are already starting to unite as a single power under the influence of the New World Order, which will bring about the apocalypse and the reign of the anti-Christ as predicted in the Book of Revelation in the Christian Bible. Perhaps the best example of such a group is Cutting Edge Ministries, an online weblog devoted to exposing the alleged role of Freemasons and Illuminati in trying to bring about the New World Order.

Real life imitates conspiracy theory

Sometimes real life does imitate conspiracy theory. It is part of the job of intelligence agencies such as the CIA and MI5 to create conspiracy theories while attempting to analyse their information. However, these are referred to as 'scenarios', or 'working theories.'

A number of actual government organizations or plans have been described as resembling particularly poor conspiracy theories. Nonetheless, these are fully acknowledged by their respective governments, or by a broad consensus of mainstream experts, as being, or having been, real:

  • The United States Department of Defense Information Awareness Office (IAO) has many similarities to conspiracy theory. First, its avowed purpose is to gather and correlate information on ordinary citizens for the purpose of predicting terrorism and other crime. Second, its logo depicted the eye in the pyramid, a symbol associated with Illuminati and Masonic representations of power or divinity, casting a beam over the globe of the Earth. This logo has since been changed. The original logo is still widely available on the Internet. Lastly, the name "Iao" is a Gnostic word for God, used in the Golden Dawn and Thelema among others.
  • The inner workings of the Mafia were unknown to most outsiders until defecting Genovese mob family soldier Joe Valachi revealed them in Congressional testimony in October 1963.
  • Retired Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler, an outspoken isolationist and anti-war activist, testified to the U.S. Congress in 1934 that a group of the wealthiest American industrialists had approached him to organize a coup d'état to overthrow President Franklin D. Roosevelt and establish a fascist government, but this alleged Business Plot was not verified beyond Butler's congressional testimony.
  • The CIA has been involved in foreign coups d'état, according to declassified papers and legal inquiries. These interventions include the 1954 overthrow of Guatemalan president Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, the deposing in 1953 of Iranian prime minister Mohammed Mossadegh and the 1970 attempted overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile, among others.
  • From the 1949 to 1973, the CIA and the U.S. Army operated a joint research program into mind control, codenamed MKULTRA. In this program, CIA agents gave LSD and other powerful hallucinogenic drugs to unwitting and unconsenting victims, in an effort to devise a working "Truth serum" and/or mind-control drug. MKULTRA was publicly exposed by Presidential and Congressional research committees in 1975, but the CIA claimed it had discontinued the program two years before. Prominent writers and drug figures first exposed to LSD under this program include novelist Ken Kesey of the Merry Pranksters, psychologists Timothy Leary and Baba Ram Dass (Richard Alpert), and poet Allen Ginsberg. A source on this is the book Acid Dreams by Bruce Shalin and Martin A. Lee. Future 'Unabomber' Theodore Kaczynski clamied to have undergone a "stress" experiment while a Harvard University undergraduate in the early 1960s, according to Alston Chase. Henry Murray who had during World War II served in the OSS, precursor to the CIA, was at Harvard during the same time period as the Leary experiments, but there is no evidence Kaczynski was given LSD.
  • ECHELON is a communications interception network operated by the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. It is designed to capture telephone calls, fax and e-mail messages for purposes similar to the IAO (see above). New Zealand has openly admitted the existence of Echelon, and the European Union commissioned a report on the system.
  • Investigative journalist Gary Webb published a 1998 series in the San Jose Mercury News on connections between the Nicaraguan Contras and crack-cocaine traffickers. The story generated enormous interest and debate in the U.S. due to the Contras' ties with the CIA.
  • In the 2003 Iraq War, Iraqi resistance was strong at first and then collapsed suddenly. A conspiracy theory emerged in Iraq and elsewhere that there had been a safqah—Arabic for "secret deal"—between the U.S. and the Iraqi military elite, wherein the elite were bribed to stand down. This conspiracy theory was generally ignored in the U.S. media. In late May 2003, General Tommy Franks, who had been the head of the U.S. forces in the conflict, confirmed in an interview with Defense News that the U.S. government had paid off high-level Iraqi military officials and that they had stated that "I am working for you now." How important this was to the course of the conflict was not entirely clear at the time of this writing (May 24, 2003).
  • Operation Northwoods, a 1962 United States Department of Defense plan to commit acts of terrorism (real and/or simulated) on American tourists in Cuba and blame them on the Castro government to encourage support for an invasion of the country to depose Castro, was long considered to be a groundless conspiracy theory until the project's documents were declassified and published. The operation was approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, but was rejected by Defense Secretary Robert McNamara. General Lyman Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, was fired shortly after.
  • The Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male. For a period of 50 years, the U.S. Government used some members of the black population of a town in Alabama to observe the effects of untreated syphilis. The participants were not asked to participate and were not told they were not being treated for their syphilis.
  • In 1949, General Motors was convicted of violating anti-trust laws in its purchase and maintenance of streetcar systems in cities throughout the US, most notably Los Angeles. The General Motors streetcar conspiracy was intended to promote the use of buses and automobiles.

Notes

  1. ^ "Conspiracism," Political Research Associates, (accessed June 7, 2005).
  2. ^ "Who shot the president?," The British Psychological Society , March 18, 2003 (accessed June 7, 2005).
  3. ^ "Anti-Semitism," 1911 Online Encyclopedia, (accessed June 7, 2005).
  4. ^ Ivan Emke, "Agents and Structures: Journalists and the Constraints on AIDS Coverage," Canadian Journal of Communication 25, no. 3 (2000), (accessed June 7, 2005).
  5. ^ "Top 5 New Diseases: Media Induced Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (MIPTSD)," The New Disease: A Journal of Narrative Pathology 2 (2004), (accessed June 7, 2005).

Further reading

  • Barkun, Michael. 2003. A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America. Berkeley: Univ. of California. ISBN 0520238052
  • Chase, Alston. 2003. Harvard and the Unabomber: The Education of an American Terrorist, New York, W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0393020029
  • Fenster, Mark. 1999. Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Gerald Posner. 1993. Case Closed: Lee Harvey Oswald and the Assassination of JFK, New York, The Random House. ISBN 0385474466
  • Goldberg, Robert Alan. 2001. Enemies Within: The Culture of Conspiracy in Modern America. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 030009000
  • Hofstadter, Richard. 1965. The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays. New York: Knopf. ISBN 0674654617
  • Melley, Timothy. 1999. Empire of Conspiracy: The Culture of Paranoia in Postwar America, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press. ISBN 0801486068
  • Mintz, Frank P. 1985. The Liberty Lobby and the American Right: Race, Conspiracy, and Culture. Westport, CT: Greenwood. ISBN 031324393X
  • Pipes, Daniel. 1997. Conspiracy: How the Paranoid Style Flourishes and Where It Comes from. New York: The Free Press. ISBN 0684871114
  • ---. 1998. The Hidden Hand: Middle East Fears of Conspiracy. New York, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0312176880
  • Popper, Karl. 1945. The Open Society & Its Enemies. London: Routledge & Sons.
  • Sagan, Carl. 1996. The Demon-Haunted World: Science as a Candle in the Dark. Random House. ISBN 039453512X
  • Vankin, Jonathan, and John Whalen. 2004. The 80 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time, New York, Citadel Press. ISBN 0806525312

See also

There are many instances in which the term "conspiracy theory" has been used in either its pejorative sense, or in its legal/historic sense. In most cases these involve elements of mystery combined with both fact and supposition. Many of these theories remain a subject of controversy and sometimes even heated debate. The links below should be evaluated with this in mind.

The following pages are in the process of being merged into a more coherent and less redundant set:

Regularly produce allegations of conspiracies

Jordan Maxwell | David Icke | John Birch Society | Liberty Lobby (defunct) | Lyndon LaRouche | Alex Jones | Rauni-Leena Luukanen-Kilde | Juhan af Grann | Craig Hill | Stanley Hilton | Michael Ruppert | David Ray Griffin |

Conspiracy theories by topic or main figure

AIDS and HIV | Alternative 3 | Anti-Christian calendar theory | Anti-globalization and Anti-Semitism | Atlantis | CIA inventing crack | Council on Foreign Relations | Elvis sightings | Epsilon Team | Francis E. Dec | Fnord | Freemasonry | Gladio secret army | world domination conspiracy  | The Protocols of the Elders of Zion   Government Warehouse | Holocaust revisionism | Illuminati | Jesuits | Knights Templar | Men in Black | Majestic 12 | Moon hoax | Mysticism | NESARA (National Economic Security And Reformation Act) | New World Order | Oil imperialism | Opus Dei | Polybius  | Pseudosciences | Protosciences | Rennes le Château | Roswell UFO Incident | Round table groups | UFO conspiracy theory | UFOs | Unknown Superiors | Zionist/Jewish world domination conspiracy  | The Protocols of the Elders of Zion   |

Assassination

Mohandas Gandhi | Pope John Paul I | Petra Kelly | George Patton | John F. Kennedy | Robert F. Kennedy  | Abraham Lincoln | Malcolm X | Martin Luther King Jr. | Enrico Mattei | Lee Harvey Oswald | Olof Palme | Salvador Allende | John Lennon | Hale Boggs | Yitzhak Rabin | John F. Kennedy, Jr. | Huey Long | Zachary Taylor |

Celebrity deaths

Celebrity deaths other than assassinations:

Elvis Presley | Jim Morrison | Diana, Princess of Wales | Marilyn Monroe | Bob Marley | Peter Tosh | Kurt Cobain | Tupac Shakur | Notorious B.I.G. | Hunter S. Thompson | Andy Kaufman JFK Jr.

Alex Jones * [6] Alex Jones * [7]

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